Since Malaysia’s involvement in the 3rd Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2018, there have been some improvements related to freedom of expression which reflects the government’s commitment to enforce accepted UPR recommendations. However, the unpredictable political situation from 2018- 2021 resulted in two government changes and three different Prime Ministers. These changes have obstructed intended human rights reforms, which afforded more opportunities for state intervention in freedom of expression—particularly during the height of managing COVID-19. All these developments have made it even more challenging to evaluate human rights reforms by the government. This paper discusses Malaysia’s human rights track record in general and freedom of expression in particular via in-depth interviews with 23 stakeholders in related fields. Findings indicate notable progress such as legal reforms, bolder media practices, heightened public awareness of freedom of expression, and increased activism of CSOs. However, the study also identified problems which manifested in restrictions on freedom of expression such as the questioning of journalists, crackdowns on migrants and refugees, as well as investigations against leaders of CSOs and activists. Implications of these findings on the implementation of accepted UPR recommendations are also discussed.

Southeast Asia is a strategic region in global geopolitics and economy, with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) playing a crucial role in managing inter-country relations in this area. This study explores ASEAN’s strategic role in Asian geopolitics through case studies of Vietnam and Indonesia, two countries with significant but differing economic developments. Focusing on the downstreaming of natural resources in Indonesia and technology investments in Vietnam, this research reveals how these countries leverage ASEAN regional cooperation to enhance economic growth and geopolitical stability. The study employs a qualitative method with secondary data from official publications and related literature. The results indicate that ASEAN has successfully created an effective platform for dialogue and cooperation among its members, contributing to political stability and regional economic progress. Vietnam demonstrates rapid economic growth through technology investment and has become a global production hub, while Indonesia focuses on downstreaming natural resources to increase economic value-added. Both strategies highlight the crucial role of ASEAN in supporting its members to face global and regional challenges. This study suggests that the synergy between national initiatives and ASEAN regional cooperation could be key to achieving sustainable progress in Southeast Asia.

The July 2023 military coup in Niger, which led to the overthrow of the democratically elected president, brought unprecedented outrage to the ECOWAS with a view to compel the military to reinstate the ousted president. The military in Mali and Burkina Faso in 2021 and 2022, respectively, staged a coup that truncated a democratic government in the two countries. As a result of this, ECOWAS threatened the three countries, being members of the sub-regional body, either to hasten the return of democracy in their respective countries or face severe consequences. Due to their inability to heed the ECOWAS’s demands, a number of sanctions were imposed on them. Consequently, the three states formed a formidable union called the Alliance of Sahel States with a view to counteract any possible military strikes from the ECOWAS. Moreover, in January 2024, the three countries announced their exit from the organisation. Against this background, the paper examines the various processes followed by the ECOWAS to ensure the return of a democratically elected government in the three countries. Using documentary sources, the paper posits that the exit of the three states from the ECOWAS poses daunting challenges to the continuity as well as existence of the organisation’s cooperation.

Genocide is no ordinary crime, once dubbed by The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda as “the crime of crimes”. In 1946, in the aftermath of the Holocaust, the United Nations General Assembly (“the UNGA”) passed a resolution recognising genocide as a “denial of the right to existence of entire human groups”, affirming it as a crime “which the civilised world condemns”. This led to the adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment on the Crime of Genocide (“the Genocide Convention”). While the adoption was seen as an achievement among States, however State reaction to mass atrocity crimes have typically focused on the punishment aspect of the Convention after the event, with less attention on the obligation to prevent the event before it unfolds in earnest. As genocide is a process that does not take place overnight, this begs the question: When does the duty to prevent genocide under the Genocide Convention actually begin? How are States able to determine events that activate their obligations to prevent genocide and does this obligation extend to States who have no control or authority over the people or territory where genocide is being perpetrated? This article seeks to examine the obligation of third States to prevent genocide and identify potential trigger factors by drawing on lessons from the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

‘Islamism’ and ‘Islamophobia’ are terms that conjure various images and symbols within our collective minds, with the latter seeming to feed off the former in numerous ways. The stereotype of a bellicose and intolerant worldview attached to the Islamic way of life is so widely purveyed in Western2 media and has extensive currency among policymakers in the Global North, that it seems to leave no stone unturned in their relentless pursuit of scapegoating and vilification on those who profess the Muslim faith. The purposes of this paper are varied. The first reason is to highlight the element of peace within Islam – in both theory and practice – as exemplified by the Treaty of Hudaybiyah. Next, a brief explanation on how Islam has been undermined by Islamism will be carried out, with the ideology causing much harm to Muslims the world over. I shall engage with a brief literature analysis on the matter, with reading on concepts such as tanfir providing the basis for the argument brought forward. The second intent is to highlight the contemporary problem of Islamophobia and its pervasiveness within governmental, societal, and individual levels, which is exacerbated by irresponsible reporting by Western media. The third aim of this paper is to signal that Islamophobia is not necessarily limited to the framing of the Western world and its politics of exclusion. This is done by providing a short overview of the current situation of Uyghur Muslims in the People’s Republic of China (PRC)

The geostrategic significance of water bodies, particularly oceans and large rivers, is multifaceted and plays a crucial role in international relations. The Indian Ocean, for instance, is a significant geostrategic region due to its role in global trade, energy flows, and as a contested space for major powers. This article aims to focus on the geostrategic importance of the Indian Ocean and determines how India and China are trying to pursue and secure their economic interests in the region. To explore the economic competition and potential cooperation between India and China in the Indian Ocean, methodologically it is a qualitative study. A comparative analysis has been conducted to assess the contrasting economic strategies and approaches employed by India and China in the Indian Ocean. The theoretical framework emphasising “neo-liberalism” explains the potential cooperation of the two major economic powers with their strategic allies in the Indian Ocean Region. This study has elaborated the growing importance of the Indian Ocean in shaping the geopolitical strategies of India and China, shedding light on their economic engagements, resource dependencies, and competitive dynamics in this critical maritime domain. These findings underscore the intricate interplay of economic, geopolitical, and strategic factors shaping the geo-economic landscape of the Indian Ocean for India and China. Thus, this article provides a clear understanding of the geographic proximity and economic dynamics of the Indian Ocean, and the geopolitical strategies of the key regional players, India and China, in the Indian Ocean region.