This article expounds the centrality of peace in the Islamic order of values and rebuts the common assertion that Islam is a warlike religion. We derive this conclusion from our review and presentation of the Qur’anic evidence that not only validates peace juridically but as a theological principle of profound religious significance. This is further substantiated in the text by a number of other principles such as Ihsan (beneficence), Rahmah (mercy), ‘Adl (justice), Sabr(patience) and ‘Afwa (forgiveness). We turn to Jihad next, and our review of the scriptural evidence on jihad similarly unfolds a different narrative to that of militarism and war commonly attributed to jihad. Jihad (lit. effort, struggle) as a philosophy of Islamic life starts with oneself in the sense of self-discipline and education, and undertaken for a good cause, including peace and justice. Peace is therefore an overarching behavioural guideline for Muslims and the Islamic polity to guide its relations with its own people, its neighbours, and all other communities and nations.

Although the South China Sea has been an area of both maritime and territorial contention for several decades now, recent developments in the air and cyber domains point to greater assertiveness and narrowing options for smaller claimant states such as Malaysia. Before considering these emerging theatres of tension as well as their diplomatic and security ramifications, it is worth taking a step back to recall the significance of the South China Sea for Malaysia. This article will first offer three reasons why the South China Sea is important to Malaysia as a claimant state. It will then examine the “spillage” of the dispute into the air and cyber domains, as evidenced by current and longer-term incidents.

The conflict in Afghanistan in its fifth decade is one of the longest conflicts in the world. Afghanistan’s geostrategic location has attracted great and regional powers interference in its internal affairs and hence to date contributes to political instability and civil war. The Soviet invaded Afghanistan in 1979 and the US-led NATO alliance invaded Afghanistan in 2001. Iran, Pakistan, and India also have interfered in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. This study puts the conflict in Afghanistan in historical context and argues that foreign invasion and interference, absence of democratic space and a genuine political pluralism and civil society, and amateur political elites have contributed to political instability in Afghanistan. The key to resolving the conflict therefore requires the removal of these historical causes of the political instability and institutionalizing of a strong civil society.

The participation of the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) in the United Nations’ peacekeeping operations is one of Japan’s diplomatic strategies and effort in contributing to world peace and collective security. Although Japan is still subjected to scepticism concerning its militarism both locally and internationally, it has always strived to contribute to the betterment of human life. This article analyzes JSDF’s peacekeeping missions worldwide and tries to foresee the potential role of the JSDF in carrying Japan’s image as a staunch supporter of international peace and security. This qualitative research obtained its primary data through empirical evidence from the secondary data. It looks at Japan’s initial participation in peacekeeping operation, and the consistency in Japan pursuing peacekeeping duties. The article argues that JSDF peacekeeping missions not only fulfil its diplomatic strategies and efforts but also contributes to improving human and environmental security. Through the JSDF, Japan has advocated for the need for international cooperation and has been actively

supporting global peace by improving human security

This article illustrates the contemporary scenario of PCVE in Malaysia in the midst of developing her National Action Plan (NAP) for PCVE (2021-2025). An increasingly specialised sub-sector of security and public safety mainly involving public, academic, and civil society organisations (CSO), the plan of action for PCVE is now a prominent component of policymaking, cascading down as an international regime from the UN to be adopted by regional organisations and nation-states. Expectedly, the plan will involve specific and collaborative implementation of various government ministries and agencies. This article begins by looking into the PCVE flagship research, engagement and advocacy of an academic institution i.e. ISTAC-IIUM (International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation – International Islamic University Malaysia) and will also briefly look at the necessity of understanding the evolving narrative of PCVE internationally and adapting it to local constituents in Malaysia. It will then look into what is at the point of writing, the beginnings of the collaborative undertaking in developing the NAP PCVE in Malaysia. Wisma Putra or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is then featured as an essential actor in sustaining Malaysia’s narrative of peace and security by design via messaging and communications (especially through Southeast Asia Regional Centre for Counterterrorism or SEARCCT) since its inception in the realm of foreign policy. Finally, the article will anticipate the prominence of Wisma Putra by leveraging and contributing to the success of the upcoming plan.

Fundamentally guided by the Look East Policy (LEP), Malaysian economic relations with Japan were further elevated with the historic return of Dr Mahathir Mohamad to power after a 15-year hiatus. Given how both countries have always enjoyed close ties, the reciprocal bilateral commitments allude to efforts to take the partnership to even greater heights. While the motivation behind LEP was to make Malaysia a high-income nation by emulating the Japanese economic model and cultural traits, underlying political and personal ambitions were also central in explaining the extent of bilateralism. The so-called LEP 2.0 presents an opportunity to re-evaluate the scope and effectiveness of economic diplomacy. While LEP has benefitted Malaysia through investments, industrial joint ventures, and educational support, drastic transformation in global structures of political economy and interpretation of mainstream economic conventions implies that Malaysia must think out of the box in courting Japan. Incorporating major lessons from LEP, the paper proposes strategies to maximise the potential of LEP 2.0, particularly on advanced and sophisticated technological exchanges.